Why china become superpower

Even the on-going military confrontation with India and the recent aggressive military postures demonstrated against Taiwan were no bar to signing of the RCEP. Clearly, it is an indirect endorsement of Chinese influence in the region. But China has a far greater ambition.

Against a recluse America of Donald Trump, China under the leadership of Xi Jinping is more assertive than ever before. The country now produces everything from clip pin to fighter jets. It advanced its commercial interests by pursuing a policy of large-scale production of cheap commodities of everyday use and gradually entering the field of high-tech industries targeting mainly the middle-class consumers both at home and abroad. One example is that country's smartphone companies which have literally gained popularity in more countries the world over than any other.

Its hold on international mega projects is now well established. The long vision of the Chinese leadership has been backed up by astute diplomatic policies.

China has almost a unilateral grasp of the African market. Donald Trump's policy of retraction from one after another international agreements and organisations started distancing his country from the rest of the world.

Forfeiture of international commitment may have served him and his radical supporters and even the US for a short time but the long-term damage may be irreparable. America has lost its leadership creating a vacuum and China is desperate to take over the mantle.

Russia has its internal problem and its economy does not permit it to flex like China. This perhaps explains China's determined drives on both territorial and economic or trade fronts. The country where coronavirus appears to have had its origin proved its mettle by controlling the epidemic within a short time.

Maybe, the centralised system of governance has helped it manage the disease well enough like it does in various other areas of administration. China's success is built on a regimented society that pursues an open economy in order to stay ahead of its competitors. This is necessary, argues Tanner Greer, a scholar on Taiwan, because the Taiwanese have in effect given up on training draftees and its military command is isolated and outmoded.

He adds that unless Taiwan mobilises its society, the US cannot provide a defence guarantee. It would be too hard a domestic sell for the White House. Both the US and China are seeking to secure their interest, and in the process threaten others. A third argument believes China is really motivated by domestic security. What matters most to Chinese leadership is that it wants a world that is safe for Chinese authoritarianism, and as long that it is safe, they do not have much ambition beyond that.

The thesis expounded by Barack Obama, that the US could use its power to nudge and reassure China towards better behaviour, no longer holds sway. Doshi detected three strategies, each based on evolving perceptions of the American threat. The first year period started with the end of the cold war, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Gulf War and Tiananmen Square and was dedicated to blunting sources of American power.

Then after the financial crash, Beijing, confident the US model was flawed, shifted to building foundations for a Chinese order within Asia. It moved away from mines and missiles, and invested in aircraft carriers and amphibious vehicles. It militarised islands in the South China Sea.

It began building more surface ships for its navy. At the political level, China switched its focus away from participating in international organisations to blunt US influence. China is targeting and stealing "transport technologies," such as quantum computing, autonomous vehicles, artificial intelligence, biotechnology, and 5G. Although there is a military application for all of these technologies, the commercial and economic value is equally important to Beijing in its bid to become a superpower, Atlamazoglou added.

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